Although the gender gap in populist radical right (PRR) electoral support has been examined extensively over the last decades, little scholarly attention has been paid to the role gender – as opposed to sex – plays in shaping political attitudes and behaviour. Concurrently with the gender ideology of populist radical right parties being frequently disregarded, the role of men as gendered beings within the party family is equally undertheorized in political science, rendering their expression and propagation of masculinity virtually invisible. Given that PRR parties appeal to the grievances of a self-proclaimed ‘crisis of masculinity’ by promising to affirm the masculinity of native men through the construction of ‘foreign masculinity’, this however might be able to explain men’s sustained electoral support. Contributing to the research gap, the author thus proposes to use the concept of ‘protective masculinity’ as an analytical tool explaining the gender gap in populist radical right electoral support. This study furthermore breaks ground in examining ‘protective masculinity’ through an Ordinary Least Squared (OLS) regression analysis, instead of studying the concept qualitatively. ‘Protective masculinity’ is hereby operationalized as the interaction variable of both anti-migration attitudes and low gender egalitarian attitudes. It is hypothesized that those men holding ‘protective masculinity’ attitudes are likely to support the populist radical right. Examined are the cases of Sweden, Germany and Italy, three countries with differing gender regimes who have (recently) witnessed the rise of populist radical right parties. The author believes that by quantitatively analysing different gender regimes, much can be learned about the regional aspects of gendered behaviour in populist radical right electoral support.